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MONDAY INTERVIEW
- Third front candidacy not nominal
AUG 29 -
Nepali Congress is busy preparing for its much-awaited 12th general convention scheduled for Sept. 15- 21. Earlier, the contest was between senior leader Sher Bhahadur Deuba and acting president Sushil Koirala, but with a “third front” being floated under the leadership of Bhim Bahadur Tamang, the leadership battle seems headed for an exciting finish. Pranab Kharel and Kamal Raj Sigdel spoke to NC Central Committee member Narahari Acharya—who is is one of the chief architects of the third front and contesting for the post of general secretary as Tamang’s running mate—on the front’s chances, NC politics and the party’s future course.
You have announced your candidacy for the forthcoming general convention. If elected, what would your priorities be?
In the first place, I would ensure that the basic parameters of a political party are met by Nepali Congress (NC), which I feel it doesn’t meet right now. During the distribution of active membership in the last three months, we realised that if the party had functioned according to the set procedures, we would be more effective. This issue is something that needs to be addressed immediately. The other important issue is with regards to the policy. The country is in the throes of change. There is an elected Constituent Assembly (CA), which is mandated with writing a new constitution, but no one seems to be taking the initiative in that regard. While you may point at the Maoists and say that they should be taking the lead, we are talking about making a democratic constitution. If so, why shouldn’t NC take the initiative?
NC has seen a significant increase in its active membership; the new members need to be oriented on party policies. Not only new members, even old party members need orientation so that they have a strong understanding of the party ideology and can debate and defend themselves. The party also needs to conduct its meetings in a systematic way, where all voices are heard and there should be work division in the party, which is missing.
What level of enthusiasm do you see among the party rank and file in the lead up to the convention?
There is much curiosity among party cadres regarding the convention as
this is a convention that is expected to bring the party together. Around 65
percent of the vote is divided between
Sher Bahadur Deuba and Sushil
Koirala. But the remaining 35 percent is still up for grabs: this section will use its voice judiciously and in the best interest of the party. The percentage of votes for this third section has increased in recent times. This convention will see increased participation of youth, women, and other marginalised groups. People of professional backgrounds will also be participating. This will help the party gain a national character.
Over 50 percent of elected convention delegates are new faces. Then there is the third front led by yourself and Bhim Bahadur Tamang. Is there any possibility of an alliance between the two groups?
The question is not just of possibilities, there are also strong basis for this. Bhim Bahadur ji, according to some, is too old to contest. But in comparison to those in the race, he is not that old. Also in terms of ideas and policies, Bhim Bahadur ji is far ahead. The third front led by Bhim Bahadurji is also ahead in its selection of a running mate as others have failed to declare their running mates. What the third front conveyed has conveyed is that it stands for change. The third front is not weak and if we get the support, we could be in the front. The other two candidates are tried and tested ones.
Though Bhim Bahadur ji has not
held any important party position, he
has built the image of an honest and
dedicated leader. This image will be
important in attracting swing votes.
If you look at the camp of Sher Bahadur ji, no new member has joined. Instead,
people are leaving his camp. While
Sushil ji’s camp may not see people moving to the other camps, there are differences there as well. I would like to make it clear that the candidacy of Bhim Bahadur ji is not nominal, as some would like to believe. He is a decisive candidacy the third front has proposed.
You sound very hopeful of the third front making a big impression at the convention. But what does it stand for?
This candidacy (of Bhim Bahadur Tamang) stands for change. The front is for bringing in new ideas into the party. Bhim Bahadurji has been a source of inspiration of all the initiatives the front has taken, though he may not be as visible as others. While this front talked about changes, it was not in the policy implementing body. So it was decided that the front—that talks of change—had to claim the leadership.
Congress is often accused of losing its ideological moorings in the last two decades. As one of the chief party ideologues, what do you propose the party do?
There is a need to revive the ideological debate in the party. Not only should the party structure be revamped, its ideological bases should be debated as well.
For this all the agencies of the party should be mobilised. One of the reasons for Congress’ failings was that its formal structures such as the Mahasamiti could not function well. The Mahasamiti meeting, which is the appropriate venue to discuss party issues, should be held every year. But it didn’t take place for 12 years. This
led to party leaders discussing issues outside the formal setup. As a result, the issues could not be raised effectively. This front plans to revive and discuss the issues including those of state restructuring and social and economic importance. If you look back to the Congress of the 1950s, it focused on social and political issues. During the Panchayat, the movement was more of a political nature. In the post-1990 period, the party
more or less catered to the needs of the market. This gave the Maoists an opportunity to take up issues that the Congress neglected. Such hijacking of agendas is detrimental to Congress. Look what the Maoists are advocating today. These are some of the same issues we had spoken up for in the past.
B.P. Koirala outlined the strategy of democratic socialism in the 1950’s. Is the same ideology applicable in the present context?
Ideological standing has to be in tune with the changing times. The policy of socialism was adopted by NC in 1955 convention, though there is no documentation of it. However, in some speeches of B.P., one finds references like jaya samajbad (‘Long live socialism’). In the 1950s, B.P. argued that abolition of zamindari and birta systems constituted socialism, whereas after King Mahendra took absolute power, he equated political rights to socialism. Post-1990, there has been a lot of confusion with regards to socialism, with every one trying to give his own definition.
Socialism stands for social justice
and equitable distribution of resources. The convention of 1955, which was
chaired by Subarna Shumsher, advocated abolition of feudal structures despite
the dominance of landed aristocracy
in the party. As to whether democratic socialism is still relevant to running
day-to-day party politics, I believe the
core value has to be democratic, but policies should be brought in line with needs of the time. Also the usage of certain terms could be debated.
There has been a talk of both money and muscle being used
to influence the outcome in
elections, including the current election for nominating representatives.
It is more the money than the muscle that has been employed. But we are of the view that there should be transparency in party’s financial transactions. We have made this an important agenda.
Posted on: 2010-08-30 08:20
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