Editorial»
Planning peace pragmatically
NOV 05 - Even after more than a year since the assumption of executive power by the King on October 4 last year, the country does not seem to be moving closer towards what may be termed as a semblance of good governance. With each passing day, the political problems of the country have become more entangled and complicated than ever before.
The political parties ousted from power and parliament are slowly regaining their sense from the trauma of the royal takeover. They are trying to settle their feet on solid political reality after coming down from the ethereal domain of idealism. The reaction they have registered against the series of royal steps taken after October 4 indicates that there is little room for reconciliation between the palace and the multiparty camp in the foreseeable future.
It has become unmistakably clear that the royal decision has widened the arena of conflict instead of helping gain new initiatives to isolate the forces of violence and build the broadest united front against terror. Parliamentary political parties and the palace are at daggers drawn and future consequences appear completely unpredictable.
With the intervention of the King in the political process, the issue of ongoing political debate has taken an unexpected turn. Most political forces now seem to be silently converging from amendment of constitution towards the restoration of parliament or the convening of the constituent assembly while the government of Surya Bahadur Thapa sinks deeper in political isolation.
Though the governments formed after October 4 have succeeded in creating some ripples because of their anti-corruption activism, they have been constrained with limited authority, absence of popular mandate and a lack of power base necessary to deal with the national problems far outweighing their political credibility.
Before October 4, almost all parliamentary political parties were inclined to believe that the 1990 Constitution was fairly a perfect document ~ ~ and was able to ensure positive role to and control the undue ambition of all the political players. But the uncanny way with which the King used the constitutional clauses to take over sovereign authority from the elected representatives, suddenly awakened the political parties to the grievous flaws in the constitution. Party intellectuals have now started to mull over the need to go for the constituent assembly to draft the new constitution because they feel that with the decision of the monarch to dissolve the elected government and replace it with handpicked individuals, the constitution has been rendered defunct and unusable. Hence, the need for a new constitution.
The core issue that lies with the demand of constituent assembly is the establishment of republican system of government, and no political parties ideologically clash with the precepts of republicanism. The Nepali Congress has always cherished social democratic principle which espouses federal republican system of government. The left political parties are also committed to people’s republican system. The difference between these parties and the Maoists, therefore, is not in principle of governance but in the method of struggle to achieve it.
It may also be recalled that the Nepali Congress and the CPN (UML) had no other reason in refusing to entertain the Maoist demand for constituent assembly than a regard for security of monarchy which cannot acquire legitimacy, reconcile and coexist with republicanism if it is established. It was the reason why the 1990 Constitution enshrined constitutional monarchy in addition to incorporating the basic components of a democratic governance such as sovereignty of the people, fundamental rights, multiparty system and human rights. The major political parties participating in the drafting of the constitution had agreed to accord constitutional monarchy a respectable berth in the constitution as one of the democratic components in that the constitution was a compromise document ~ ~ between the palace and multiparty political forces.
Consequently, it was rendered unchangeable along with other three components mentioned above.
Now political parties appear to be repenting over the mistakes they committed for the sake of an institution which, political analysts believe, has outlived its historicity, is awkwardly out of tune with modern political theory and has been turned into a mere fetish by its own apologists. In view of this, the political parties are now least likely to sacrifice their political future by refusing the demand for constituent assembly if the Maoists continue to make it their sole bargaining chip for negotiated settlement and if the King delays in taking steps to effect reconciliation with multiparty political forces by correcting mistakes committed on October 4.
On the other side, the Thapa government - just like its predecessor Chanda government - lacks people’s mandate and adequacy of its own power base - to mobilise strength and collective will to solve the problem. It has already turned into a lame-duck government incapable of performance. It is running from pillar to post for alliance but to no avail. It seems only a matter of course for it to collapse because all the sources of its sustenance have dried out, and it cannot move even a single step without leaning on the palace.
The Thapa government does not carry mandate to talk with the Maoists though it is vaunting much about its ability to find a way to solve the problem. The Maoists should not be expected to come to table for the sake of it only. The failure to forge a permanent peace deal in the third round of talks held in Dang shows that they are not easily coming out of their ideological chrysalis. The unequivocal manner in which they have put forward their demands and the tenacity with which they have fought for them shows that they mean business. They should be given something concrete to be lured out of the jungle.
It does not take a great mind to see that the Maoists are not likely to be euphoric over trivial concessions like cease-fire, general amnesty or minor social reforms. Anything this government has to offer them must help them move nearer to the centre stage of power. From what the Maoist leadership has given us to understand, the minimum concessions likely to impress them are the readiness on the part of the ruling class to invite them to participate in the interim government and to entertain their demand for constituent assembly. Anything short of these will certainly not be able to cool the shimmering cauldron of unrest. Therefore, any kind of peace plans to be put in place in future must be able to address their concerns and be helpful in rebuilding democratic process disrupted by the royal take-over if it is to see the light of success.Posted on: 2003-11-04 09:49
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