E-Kantipur

After many fits and starts, the first boy in his class and some later exams proved that he could also become the first person of the country. The swearing in of Baburam Bhattarai by the president last week after his election by the oversised legislature proved, if proof was needed, that perseverance pays off finally. The name of Baburam Bhattarai had been floated as the next prime minister of the country much before Jhal Nath Khanal took office: Bhattarai was projected — rightly or wrongly — as the candidate that would be most acceptable to all those outsiders who had helped to ensure the success of the April 2006 agitation.

Nepal is passing through what many consider to be one of its worst times ever with different forces actively at play to extract the maximum benefit. The failure of the Constituent Assembly to deliver a generally acceptable constitution within the original time frame is one of the most critical factors for the present state of the country. The new prime minister has to contend with this crisis and be able to face the looming contingencies that are bound to erupt.

The fact that even the Maoists have been unable to name their ministers till late Saturday to take up positions in the new government points to the uphill task Bhattarai faces in his new job. The differences within the Maoist party do not bode well for Nepal at such a crucial time when all attention should have been paid not to their political dogmas but to the general well being of the country. For, after all, the country comes first and not any one political party, though parties are said to be a vital element of a democratic system.

The tug-of-war that has erupted within the Maoist party between the Dahal and Baidya factions is really an ideological war that is best resolved without threatening a party split which is what is presently happening. The façade of unity that the two factions will no doubt put up cannot but have a damning effect on the way the government is run. The differences between the factions are not the kind that can and will be settled easily. The physical confrontation, as reported by the media, between the two factions at Panchkhal in Kavre the other day can be taken as an omen of things to come. The handing over the keys to the arms containers is merely an excuse for the differences to come out into the public.

The internal squabbles within the Maoist party underline the difficulties Bhattarai will face as the country’s

prime minister. The communists in Nepal have in the past earned a reputation as not being able to stick together even when it comes to the greater cause of the country — each ideological faction seems to believe that its way is the only way to bring prosperity to a poor country like Nepal. This kind of attitude has led many shades of communist parties in Nepal to split, and a similar threat looms closer for the Maoists than ever before. The Matrika Yadav faction was only a small precursor of things to come. It would be foolhardy for anyone to expect Bhattarai to deliver miraculous results. He is bound to be bogged down by his own party.

Human rights groups in the country are presently up in arms against the government’s decision to grant a general amnesty to all those allegedly involved in rights violations during the 10-year Maoist armed insurgency. The need for the government to pursue a just course of action in this area has been negated by the reports. Even though it has been said that the amnesty was to be granted only to those who had been victimised through fake charges, the fact remains that the authorities can — and probably will — treat all the charges against those belonging to the Maoist or Maoist-aligned groups or those aligned to the Madhesi groups as “fake” charges. The only victims of such an amnesty will be the victims themselves and those who were with the then ruling clique including the security forces.

The rule of law is no law if exceptions are made. But then, politics being politics, selective amnesty is resorted to appease a section while throwing the law to the winds. That may bring a brief respite to those ruling the country, but its far reaching consequences must be taken into account. The tendency to turn a blind eye to crimes committed in the name of politics can only result in further erosion of whatever is left of the rule of law. The constitution, past, present and the one yet to be written, has always upheld the fundamental rights of a citizen; and by far the most important right is the right to life. When impunity is encouraged, it makes a mockery of this very fundamental right to exist.

The periodic and selective amnesty also encourages all kinds of rights violations and brings no solace to the victims. It is not surprising that rights upholders have protested against the government’s move, and they would have failed in their duty if they had not done so. Above all, the new prime minister would do well to realise that any steps taken in this direction for political convenience can only harm the country in the long run. The fact that the anti-amnesty protests came up just days after Bhattarai assumed the prime ministerial office just goes to show how sensitive the issue is internationally.

Bhattarai might have initiated a good move by declaring war on corruption, especially the corrupt practices among politicians, their followers and the business and industrial communities. But the task here is more difficult than can be imagined, and Bhattarai will be given the deserved laurels should he be able to discourage even half of the corruption and corrupt practices that are currently taking place in the country. One would like to wish him the best on this much needed effort.

And then there is the ever present law and order problem all across the country, and most of such problems are allegedly the handiwork of political groups or parties or those styling themselves as such groups. In addition, there are so many other problems that the country faces including those in education and agriculture, apart from the need to accelerate economic development. The problems are many and the time is short, all of which means that the prime minister’s chair is no bed of roses.

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