E-Kantipur

For the past few months, a section of Nepal’s urban young population,  led by successful middle-aged professionals from different fields, has come together through social networks such as Facebook and Twitter under the banner Nepal Unites. The group has now spread out with (virtual) networks in a few other districts in the country, and some international cities with Nepali populations. It organised pressure rallies in the run up to the May 28 CA extension, held protests against Nepal Bandhs and lobbied against politicians from travelling outside the country till the end of August. They continue to be active on the social network, and are devising innovative ways to associate with issues and symbols that appeal to other young Nepalis, be it music or football.

But such citizen activism is not new. During the war, civil society groups took various positions regarding the politics of the time. The Himsa Birodh Abhiyan lit candles at the beginning of each month to commemorate the conflict victims; human rights organisations exposed crimes committed by both the Nepal Army and the Maoists against innocent civilians; independent mediators sought to kick-start a dialogue between the warring parties and in 2005, a formidable coalition of diverse groups and individuals constituted the Citizen’s Movement for Democracy and Peace (CMDP) to fight royal autocracy which provided the moral force that eventually culminated in the 2006 Janaandolan.

Nepal Unites, however, is different. The first distinction obviously is the use of the internet in mobilising people. This does not matter in itself. While letters, personal communication, phone calls, and text messages were used in the past, a new medium has been tapped into now. In some ways, the internet can be more democratic since many more people can get involved with a mere click and because the physical location does not matter. But in Nepal’s context, the medium plays a role in determining both the message and its carriers.

Given the digital divide, those actively participating in such groups, or those who have become the de facto leaders of such campaigns, tend to come from the relatively privileged socio-economic strata of the capital. There is nothing wrong with this, but it is useful to be aware of one’s own location in terms of class, ethnicity and geography.

The second major difference seems to be that Facebook users have not spelt out a coherent public or political agenda yet and prefer to look at issues on a case by case basis. The amorphousness may have helped in bringing diverse interests together. But it is this very ambiguity that opens up the possibility of the campaign veering in uncertain directions beyond the control of the initiators or even  undermining their original intentions.

Finally, while earlier civil society initiatives were led by individuals who had close links with political and democratic struggles and had better grounding in affairs of the state, the present protests are led by people who belong to a younger generation, and have been generally detached and apathetic towards politics. Again, this in itself is not a problem and could be an advantage in offering fresh perspectives.

But it does limit the ability of the group to understand the complexities of the contemporary political moment, and to be effective in relaying messages directly to the leaders.

Since the use of the social media by urban middle class professionals who feel alienated from the mainstream political structure will continue, here are a couple of unsolicited suggestions:

The first is an appeal to those who are a part of this group to invest time and energy in understanding politics—why it operates the way it does, how we arrived at this juncture, the complexity of Nepali society, the battles being fought and mutinies waged all over the country at present—and to respect democratic processes.

Commentator C K Lal had gone to one of the earlier rallies organised by the group, and heard some of the protestors use threatening and visceral language against politicians that was akin to hate speech. He was shocked, and wrote a critical piece about such initiatives. He then became a subject of intense personal criticism, both in the virtual and real world, which shows a high level of intolerance on the campaigners’ part.

What the facebook campaigners must realise is that if their rallies become long rants against parties and politics, it will eventually erode the very freedom that young Nepalis want and cherish. Some members seem to be aware of this, for in a YouTube video, Anil Chitrakar, a leading figure of Nepal Unites, is heard telling the group that criticism of PM Jhalanath Khanal must not descend into criticism of the entire multiparty system, and that they should remember that Khanal was democratically elected by the people of Ilam. Such messages must be constantly conveyed.

Also, when those active online wish to exert pressure on politicians, they become direct participants in the political process; so the sooner they stop calling themselves ‘apolitical’ in their profiles, the better. This also brings in certain responsibilities and requires the citizen to do his homework, from reading the peace accords and interim constitution that lays out the present political framework to ensuring that protests are not hijacked by other interests. The group will also have to draw certain non-negotiable principles, take up positions on a wide variety of political and controversial issues, and be prepared for subsequent scrutiny and backlash. Organised political intervention cannot be a part-time hobby.

The second, more specific, suggestion is to tap into the collective expertise and resources of the group to come up with well researched policy prescriptions on crucial issues of our times. Let us pick three—public transport in Kathmandu, food security in the western hills and employment generation in an uncertain political climate. Some of Nepal’s top bankers, planners, management professionals, and students pooling in their time and knowledge on such issues will ignite a public debate, and be a stellar contribution. Taking up issues that go beyond their own interests, and incorporate the interests of the poorest Nepali citizen, will enhance the group’s credibility.

It was inevitable that middle class professionals and the urban youth—two segments who have lost out from the democratisation of politics in terms of share in power structure—would seek a political voice. Technology provided the medium and the disillusionment with present parties the fodder for them to come together. But the next step, of constructively contributing to the politics of the times, is their real challenge. They would do well to remember that the road to hell is often paved with good intentions.

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