E-Kantipur

Among other important factors, differences between the Nepali Congress and the Maoists have been instrumental in obstructing the peace process and government formation. The Maoists wish to undermine democratic institutions in the name of reform, through any means possible. The NC therefore departs from the Maoist definition of reform. Congress under the leadership of Girija Prasad Koirala was a strong Maoist ally and agreed with many of their progressive socialist agendas. It is the Maoist failure to exercise those socialist agendas within a democratic framework that lies at the heart of the current disagreements between the two parties.

There are few, but fundamental differences between the Congress and the Maoists. The Maoists wish to thwart all tenets of social democracy and impose Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist version of socialism in Nepal. Prachanda, Baburam Bhattarai and Mohan Baidya may have their differences, but the fact remains that all three are for a Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist version of socialism, unlike the democratic socialism that is the guiding principle of Nepali Congress.

Prachanda wants to remain the uncontested leader within the party and wants to become the next prime minister at any cost. There is a strong correlation between his prime ministerial ambition and his ability to keep the party intact under his leadership. It is evident that Prachanda has failed to garner support within his own party ever since he resigned from the government. Party leaders and cadres now openly express their differences with Prachanda and demand that the party makes clear its ideological stand. But save for seeking their support to fulfill his personal ambition of becoming prime minister, Prachanda unfortunately has nothing to offer to his party and cadres. The Maoist hesitation to address important components of the peace process arises from Prachanda’s failure to guide the party while working with the sole intent of furthering his uncontested leadership.

Maoists at times seem to be supporting the peace process but at other times make other parties doubtful through their dubious declarations on democratic principles. And it is this confusion that has obstructed both the peace process and the formation of new government. Congress has reached a stage where it’s no longer in a position to accommodate Maoist confusion. To make matters worse, the CPN-UML led by Jhalanath Khanal also seems to be vacillating between whether to support the democratic principles of Congress or to strengthen the left coalition with the Maoists.

On a theoretical level, Congress is for socialism, but with democracy. Congress is for change, but not through violence. Congress is for reform within institutions, but within a democratic framework. Congress, in other words, believes in democratic socialism. But the Maoists want to establish socialism through the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’. For Congress, ‘dictatorship’ of any kind and in any form is unacceptable. On the other hand, for the Maoists, dictatorship is at the centre of their political philosophy. Their belief echoes Lenin’s: “Dictatorship is a power based directly on a force which is not bound to any law whatsoever. The revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat is a power which is acquired and asserted by the use of force by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie,

a power that is not bound to any

laws whatsoever.” It is thus even

after entering the peace process the Maoists have used brute force to further their agenda.

Nepali Congress believes in democratic socialism, along the lines of the Marxist theorist Karl Kautsky: “To us, socialism without democracy is unthinkable. By modern socialism we understand not merely the social organisation of production but also the democratic organisation of society…  [There can be] no socialism without democracy. “

Dictatorship of the proletariat is a prerequisite for the Maoist version of socialism. For Congress, it’s not dictatorship, but ‘democracy’ that serves as a prerequisite for socialism. For Maoists, socialism is central planning and enhanced role for the state. For Congress it is complete democratisation of society. Congress believes in freedom and equity in order to move towards socialism. The Maoists, as their actions show, do not shun from undemocratic means that are inimical to the ideals of freedom and equity.

It can be argued that the Maoists have forgotten the spirit of the peace agreements which were signed with a belief that they would abandon violence and adopt a democratic path, while the other side of the peace process would give space to the progressive Maoist agendas. Socialist agendas have become an important part of the Interim Constitution. Moreover, Congress has today principally adopted socialist agendas through its general convention. But the Maoists are yet to keep their side of the bargain and come to terms with the tenets of democracy. It has yet to completely renounce violence and guarantee democratic rights like the right to private property. To make matters worse, it has constantly promoted impunity by fueling the idea of ‘class enemy’ within its own ranks. In spite of these non-compliances, Congress has been accommodating towards the Maoists thus far—but not anymore.

It is important to understand that formation of the new government and the peace process are inter-related issues. Unless the Maoists agree to implement what it agreed to in the past, it is impossible for Congress to walk the path of consensus with them. Thus, CPN-UML, other small parties, media, donors, international actor and civil society either have to say that the Maoist path of non-compliance is right or support the stand of Congress. Four years after the signing of the peace process we have reached a point where indecision from any side could be highly counter-productive for Nepal’s interests. 

(The author is the Executive Director of the Centre for Consolidation of Democracy, a think-tank that works closely with the Nepali Congress)

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