E-Kantipur

It all sounded like the final countdown. As the nation waited, the countdown started with a lot of enthusiasm and high expectations. But as the big day — May 28, 2010 — draws closer, there’s nothing to celebrate, and there’s absolutely nothing to stun the world with a la April 2006. Four years after the parties promised lasting peace and stability, the Nepali people look disappointed, despairing that the political parties took them for a ride, just as they waited for a peaceful and secure future, a prosperous economy and a vibrant democracy.

Things may well be on their way, or may be not. But for now, the truth is this: The Madhav Kumar Nepal-led government has decided to extend the term of the Constituent Assembly by one year, and promulgate the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal on May 28, 2011. That decision is yet to be endorsed by the CA and the major parties, though. The MKN government’s key coalition partner, the Nepali Congress party, has opted for a six-month extension instead, underscoring the growing differences within the ruling coalition. So, as the big day nears, the MKN government seems to be nervous.

And the ex-rebel UCPN (Maoist), the largest party, appears completely out of the loop, busy demonstrating against the government on and off, demanding a united national government so as to guarantee “peace and a people’s constitution”, all the while issuing warnings of yet another “decisive revolt”, which, in the words of its chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, could “explode uncontrollably”.  Interestingly, such warnings aren’t stopping despite the party’s utter failure to rock the government’s boat even after repeated street protests and nationwide strikes a la early May.

Street constitution

Even so, the Maoist party seems more than prepared for May 28. Much to the chagrin of the Nepali people and the international community including UNMIN (that wanted to see the peace process reach its logical finish on time), the party has decided to “promulgate” its own “constitution” from the street. And in so doing, it wants to heap the blame on the ruling MKN-led government. So, the questions are: Isn’t this collective failure? Will the Nepali people and their global brethren appreciate the Maoist move to declare its “people’s constitution” from the street? Before it’s too late, shouldn’t the MKN-led coalition reach out to the ex-rebels, forge a consensus on issues surrounding the peace- and constitution-building processes, and avert the post May 28 disaster — a situation which, in most likelihood, will look extremely embarrassing to one and all?

Equally important, shouldn’t the Maoist party mend its ways, as demanded by the ruling parties? After all, they are the same parties that joined hands — as the then Seven-Party Alliance and Maoist (SPAM) — to isolate and, later, topple the former king’s unpopular regime. SPAM’s dramatic coming together in November 2005 marked the start of the current peace process. So, can the former SPAM — that now seems to be vertically split and ready for another round of confrontation — hoodwink the Nepali people whom they promised a “truly people’s constitution”?

Critical  juncture

When they hammered out the 12-point agreement in the Indian capital four years ago, their goal was clear: reinstating the House, turning Nepal into a kingless republic, integrating and rehabilitating the Maoist army, restoring lasting peace in the impoverished nation, and so forth. When the CA was elected two summers ago, the parties’ mandate was clear: make lasting peace in the country and write a progressive and inclusive constitution.

Four years later, SPAM appears to have come a full circle. The Maoist army remains in temporary cantonments, the parties appear to be moving in different — if not opposite — directions, the peace process is in peril, and the hapless Nepali people seem disenchanted with the entire process. That SPAM has miserably failed in its mission will go down in history as another setback for Nepal. The tragedy today is this: Most political leaders appear to be burying their heads in the sand, showing utter disregard to the high hopes and expectations of the masses that poured onto the streets to support their mission. If they fail, the peace process will fail, and the country will fail. Then the Nepali people will be the biggest losers.

No more war please

And we know what a failed peace process or a full-blown civil war will look

like. Look around. Thailand is descending into further chaos. And India, already troubled by myriad insurgencies, is continually plagued by the Maoist insurgency. In the killing fields of Chhattisgarh where violence continues unabated, at least 40 people, nearly

half of them civilians, were killed this week when a bus they were traveling in got blown up by a landmine planted by the Maoists.

In Nepal, despite dire warnings from those that are good at issuing warnings, people don’t want any war whatsoever; they don’t want a repeat of 1996-2006. So, as the clock ticks away, the

sooner the parties bury the hatchet and give a new lease of life to the politics of consensus, the better it will be for Nepal; the better it will be for the turbulent peace process.

And there’s some hope. There are leaders who haven’t completely abandoned the spirit of consensus and

reconciliation. So, if they can avert another round of confrontation, they will likely hammer out another last-minute deal, possibly on the night of May 27 or 28. Thereafter, so as to appease the frustrated masses, they will likely seek an en masse apology. But the big question is: Will they do so? And will that be enough?

(The author is a BBC Nepali journalist)

Surendra Phuyal

nepal.surendra@gmail.com

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