Uneasy revelations
The biggest myth about history is that it as an impartial account of the events of the past. But the contemporary witness who records and interprets them can hardly be impartial. Therefore, a complete history can only be understood by comparing different perspectives of different people about the same event or time.
The book Bisweshwar Prasad Koirala: Rajnitik Abhilekh (Bisweshwar Prasad Koirala’s Political Records) compiled by political ideologue Pradeep Giri, provides a different lens to judge the history of Nepal and particularly that of the Nepali Congress (NC) from the beginning of the 1950s to Koirala’s death in the early 1980s.
The book brings together 56 thought-laden write-ups, interviews and public appeals by Koirala at different political turning points in Nepal’s history. Sixteen additional appendices provide relevant references for the readers. These documents greatly help one understand Koirala’s vision of democratic socialism, political ethics and models for Nepal’s development.
Koirala is unquestionably the most revered figure in Nepal’s political history; therefore, his political thoughts and moves, in a sense, are timeless. And the compilation and editing of documents by Giri, perhaps the most prolific political thinker and analyst in present-day Nepal, makes the book worth reading.
Giri’s long preface in the 300-page book has defended the political moves made by Koirala, some indefensible at times. Giri, who has remained a disciplined worker of Nepali Congress and accompanied Koirala on many important political vicissitudes is perhaps the only appropriate intellectual to interpret Koirala’s political moves.
Giri attempts to establish the rationale of Koirala’s vision mainly in three aspects—NC and its relations with India, Koirala’s definition of nationalism, and his return to Nepal from Indian exile in 1976 advocating the policy of ‘national reconciliation’.
The very first ‘appeal’ by Koirala in October 1948 to establish a democratic regime in Nepal by overthrowing the Ranas and several other such speeches that followed propounded the India-cum-Nepal one-nation theory. It can be argued that Koirala might have held this viewpoint in light of similarities in socio-cultural milieus, geographical proximity, and similar challenges in alleviating poverty and establishing democratic rules replacing the colonisers in India and Ranas in Nepal.
Giri writes, ‘Regarding Nepal-India relations, one can find the sort of expression in that write-up which may not be palatable in the present context. Koirala’s opponents have for long and even today chastised Congress as an Indian agent… But it is the work of those who have not understood Koirala in his entirety. Some others believe that initially pro-Indian Koirala in later years had become extreme nationalist.’
With Koirala’s policy of national reconciliation, one of his most popular statements, ‘with regard to nationalism mine and the king’s necks are attached’, if nothing else, revitalised the Congress organisation which was, at that time, on the brink of liquidation, argues Giri. Koirala, however, failed to strike any reconciliatory political deal with King Birendra, but the reorganised Congress was able to persuade the king to declare the historic referendum of 1980.
Many argue that Koirala’s sudden change of mind to come back to Nepal for ‘reconciliation’ was a reaction to his humiliation by then Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who had declared a state of emergency. It was reported that Gandhi refused to recognise Koirala as a former prime minister of Nepal and had threatened to arrest him if he continued to carry out political activities ‘that had repercussions on the Indian law and order situation’. At that time, Koirala was residing in the Green Park area of South Delhi and Giri was his political aide and neighbour. For this reason, Giri is the right person to lay out the facts surrounding this ordeal. But he has very cleverly skipped the episode, just hinting that Gandhi was not happy with Koirala. Readers certainly would have been grateful had he shed more light on the degree of bitterness in their relations and the reason for that with regard to her relations with King Birendra.
An interview Koirala gave to an Indian journalist, Anirudra Gupta, when he was prime minister in 1960 explains his vision of a prosperous Nepal through socio-economic transformation. His vision could still be relevant today in reducing poverty. For example, the centre-district matching funds for development works and ownership of the project at the local level are the very concepts we are trying to implement today.
The book compiles rare documents not readily available to Nepali readers. Editor Giri has expressed his indebtedness to the Jawaharlal Nehru Museum in New Delhi, and the Madan Pustakalaya of Nepal. Nepali readers will in turn remain indebted to him for this valuable compilation.
Although the book has drawn many documents from English and Hindi originals, a good translation has maintained not only the meaning but also the flavour. Giri says, ‘...in the process of organising this compilation, it became clear that such tasks could be accomplished more efficiently by the organised entities than individuals...we ourselves are well aware of the shortcomings of this book. We have not been able to incorporate all the collected materials too.’
Apart from Giri’s confession, many sentence structures are archaic while others hardly convey any message to the common reader. Blunders like stating Koirala was arrested on Dec. 14, 1950, instead of 1960, are recurrent. Chronological order of the documents, had it been organised so, would have added value.



















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